'Letter from James R. Doolittle to Abraham Lincoln, December 19, 1861'

'Letter from James R. Doolittle to Abraham Lincoln, December 19, 1861'

A letter to the president concerning the course of the Trent Affair and Senator Doolittle's thoughts on international policies.

This letter from the Wisconsin Senator was written at the height of the controversy over the Trent. Though the exact parameters of the diplomatic dialogue was still unknown to the majority of the American public, its tense nature was not lost. At the tiem of Doolittle's writing, an ultimatum from the British Foreign Minister, Earl Russell, had reached the British Minister in Washington D.C., Lord Lyons. Russell's expectation of a explanation from Secretary Seward accompanied the formal British inquiry as to the U.S.'s justification for the actions of Captain Wilkes and their demands for the freedom of the arrrested Confederate diplomats. The news of the ultimatum carried by Lyons placed pressure on Seward and President Lincoln to act. The letters of Doolittle and other supporters of Lincoln, encouraging further diplomacy - Doolittle noting the importance of a re-examination of neutrality law and the rights of neutral and belligerent powers. Such legal analyses arose to accompanying other Anglo-American  controversies of the war, settled through negotiation, including the 1871 Treaty of Washington and other post-war agreements.

James R. Doolittle

Digitized by the Library of Congress, Abraham Lincoln papers: Series 1. General Correspondence. 1833-1916, https://www.loc.gov/item/mal1347800/

Library of Congress

December 19, 1861

Transcription by the Lincoln Studies Center, Knox College. Galesburg, Illinois

Public Domain

Letter

English

Text

Washn Dec 19— 1861
In this new trouble you have a right to any Senators best thoughts, and as I am called home by the illness of my son for a few days, I take the liberty to say that I think the correspondence with England should if possible be continued for a time in a most respectful & friendly tone towards that government and people, and thereby if possible postpone the ultimatum

But when that is asked I would say that while we are of opinion that our rights as belligerents authorized the arrest, we are aware that upon the subject of belligerents upon the sea the law is not so definite and clear that equally learned and conscientious men may honestly differ in opinion.

That upon such an honest difference of opinion as to these international questions in which all nations have an equal interest, it would be the greatest of possible calamities to the civilized world if two of the most powerful should be involved in a war which must be felt when an honorable and peaceful mode of arbitrament can settle the question, and propose as an ultimatum to refer the matter to the Emperors of France, & Russia to determine the question whether upon the law of nations we were not as belligerents justified in making that arrest.

And further more that as our national policy is peace and we are more interested in the rights of neutrals than of belligerents, that we are willing to join in a mode of defining with greater certainty the rights of belligerents against neutrals upon the High Seas and in which constitutes contraband of war. — So much for England

Enclosed I send you my bill in which I propose to reach after the real estate of disloyal rebels who will not pay their taxes upon their lands.

I wish you would carefully read it I think it meets the case in all its aspects, and disposes of the people found upon rebel plantations and in fact establishes a temporary provisional territorial government.

It holds out every hope to the loyal, and it reaches with an iron hand, clothed in a soft glove it is true but which is none the less powerful to grind the incorrigible and hold their estates.

It reaches the hopes of the soldier, who may be fighting for a new home

As ever yours
J. R. Doolittle
If I am wanted here a telegram will reach me at any time at Racine.
I expect to return by New Years.

Letter